Home - IVR 2024
Overcoming the East Asian Division System and Establishing a Peaceful System on the Korean Peninsula
Convenors
Jongmok Park (Korea University, South Korea) uinsa@hanmail.net
Jae Seung Lee (Konkuk University, South Korea) jslee@konkuk.ac.kr
Tae-Uk Chung (Inha University, South Korea) chung.taiuk@gmail.com
The Korean Peninsula is a reality of division that lacks ‘Practical Reason.’ The conventionalized realism of inertia does not solve the division system on the Korean Peninsula. The division system always affects the way of life of both members of the two Koreas. Members of the two Koreas need to establish a base for a reasonable understanding of ethnic unification that can overcome division. Members of the same language and people of the two Koreas should share a clear perception of why they should achieve coexistence and co-prosperity and unification.
The social ‘standard of justice’ has been confusing between the two Koreas in the 80-year division system. There is a need for strategic momentum to realize ‘social justice’ that overcomes division on the Korean Peninsula. One is to reflect the basic code of the ‘Inter-Korean Joint Agreement’ in the constitutional system and preamble of the two Koreas. The two are to create a normative space for the DMZ Ecological Park that will drive economic justice for ethnical co-prosperity.
The division of the Korean Peninsula will now increase in parts that cannot be solved only by nationalism. It is a matter of environmental and ecological climate justice. Government systems do not have their own virtues. Government authorities are abusing inconsistent policy decisions in inter-Korean relations.
Political power between the two Koreas must overcome the constant self-contradiction in political economy, diplomacy and defense. This is the principle of self-reliance and self-determination of the ‘Inter-Korean Basic Agreement’ two Koreas that goes beyond the legitimacy of unification. It confirms the constitutional principle of sovereignty that ‘sovereignty rests with the people’.
First of all, this special session is to prepare for normative communication of the constitutional system of the two Koreas. If the contents of the five representative ‘Inter-Korean Joint Agreement’ including the ‘Inter-Korean Basic Agreement’ are implemented by the two Koreas, we will unexpectedly preempt the path of independent unification.
Representative ‘Inter-Korean Joint Agreement’ including the ‘Inter-Korean Basic Agreement’ is the nature of a special treaty. It is an official agreement document signed by the Supreme leaders and prime ministers of the two Koreas have the content and format corresponding to the treaty as well as action plans. It is a epoch-making agreement in which the two sides acknowledge each other’s political substance and at the same time melt the double implications of ‘special relations within the ethnic.’
In fact, the content of the ‘Inter-Korean Joint Agreement’ is a normative communication of new dialectical theory that sublate contradicting the reality of the division system and the self-contradiction of members of society. The five representative ‘Inter-Korean Joint Agreement’ documents accumulated in the process of overcoming the reality of division on the Korean Peninsula are historical value norms beyond political consensus between government authorities. Despite changes in the strategic situation at home and abroad, the foundation and normative meaning of the ‘Inter-Korean Joint Agreement’ act as a standard for reconciliation, exchange, cooperation, and mutual inviolability of inter-Korean relations. In that sense, it is the basic charter of the ethnic community that can be seen as a constitutional value norm comparable to the Constitution.
The five documents of the ‘Inter-Korean Joint Agreement’ contain constitutional value norm that can be shared by members of the two Koreas. Therefore, the key is to reflect the basic code of the ‘Inter-Korean Joint Agreement’, including the ‘Inter-Korean Basic Agreement’ that took effect on February 19, 1992, in the preamble of the constitution of the two Koreas and maintain the ‘ethnic special relations’ aimed at unification.
In addition, even if the South and North Korea seek to switch to ‘two-state relations’, the five representative ‘Inter-Korean joint agreements’ have the contents of the agreement to be reinterpreted.
*The representative 'Inter-Korean Joint Agreement' is five documents. It collectively refers to the September 19 Pyongyang Joint Declaration in 2018, the October 4 Joint Declaration in 2007, the June 15 Joint Declaration in 2000, the Inter-Korean Basic Agreement in February 1992, and the July 4 South-North joint Statement.
We suggest the following
1. I politely ask a scholar participating in the United States.
Anyone want to make a politic-philosophical presentation on the theme of strategic momentum that can change the U.S. government’s division policy on the Korean Peninsula?
2. I respectfully request the participating researchers in Russia.
Anyone want to give a presentation on the division of the Korean Peninsula and the recent trilateral alliance between North Korea, China and Russia?
3. I respectfully request the researchers participating in China.
Anyone want to announce China’s role in overcoming the division of the Korean peninsula?
*In this special session, everyone participating in the IVR conference can present.
Convenors: Jongmok Park (Korea Univ) uinsa@hanmail.net
Jae Seung Lee (Konkuk Univ) jslee@konkuk.ac.kr
Tae-Uk Chung (Inha Univ) chung.taiuk@gmail.com
Workshop Language: English/Esperanto/ Korean(in case of necessity) Participation:
Participants are kindly asked to submit the first abstracts (300-500 words) until March 31, 2024, and final papers until June 16, 2024.
The email address for submissions, contact information, and further inquiries is as follows: uinsa@hanmail.net